Conflictologist Zurab Bendianishvili, who in the past participated in establishing the Temporary Administrative Unit of South Ossetia, criticizes the government’s decision to abolish the administration. According to him, the decision disregards the interests of internally displaced people from the Tskhinvali region, disrupts political format balances, and creates social problems.

The ruling party Georgian Dream is abolishing the temporary administrative-territorial unit formed on the territory of the former South Ossetia Autonomous Region.

“There is no such thing as ‘South Ossetia’ in Georgia’s legal or political framework. Accordingly, after consultations with the government, we have decided to abolish the administrative-territorial unit established on the territory of the former South Ossetia Autonomous Region.

The municipalities of Akhalgori, Kurta, Tigvi and Eredvi elected in full compliance with the Constitution in 2006 continue functioning. These municipalities are the only legitimately elected and operating authorities in the Tskhinvali region and represent the only legal continuation of Georgia’s constitutional framework there,”
said Shalva Papuashvili.

Bendianishvili tells Netgazeti that the move ignores the interests of the displaced population and is more about fighting the legacy of Saakashvili than addressing actual needs:

“A handful of people working on two floors on Saburtalo were neither politically visible nor hindering anyone. It’s hard to say that another political interest is behind this step. I believe the decision ignores the interests of the population and is simply a fight against Saakashvili’s legacy but no replacement or new concept has been planned.”

He explains that although the current administration operated with a somewhat irregular status  it was originally a temporary structure intended to exercise effective governance over the territory it had long been stripped of substantive content.
The content should have been renewed, he says, not the structure abolished.

“I am categorically against the closure.”

Bendianishvili highlights the health sector as one of the most concerning areas:

“The administration provided medical services not only to the population living in the occupied territory but also to displaced people from Tskhinvali. Now the question is: who will provide these services?”

A large portion of the already small budget of the administration about 3.5 million GEL went to healthcare, he notes.

“There were also small programs for education, teacher support, and social assistance, but the budget was so tiny that many activities could not be funded.”

He adds that the administration had another key function: determining IDP (internally displaced person) status.

“This was serious work. I don’t know how the Ministry of Justice will handle it. They also have questions about how it should be done.”

One of the administration’s core purposes, he says, was to demonstrate that the South Ossetia region was not a “separatist republic,” but instead had a parallel, legitimate Georgian structure maintaining ties with the population.

“If we say this is our territory and that people must eventually return, then the structure maintaining contact with these people should not be abolished. This is ignoring a whole community.  If they considered it Saakashvili’s legacy and that’s why they talked about abolition how do they explain waiting 13 years?”

According to him, with political will, the administration could have been reformed rather than dissolved.

“In earlier years, around 400 people worked there; now it’s 70–80. In recent years, people from Tskhinvali were almost no longer employed. Yes, the structure was hollowed out  again due to influence from other state institutions but even so, abolishing it is not the right step.”

Bendianishvili believes the decision also undermines Georgia’s position in the Geneva International Discussions:

“They may replace it with a representative from some village, but the balance will be broken on one side you’ll have a representative of a village council, and on the other  the so-called ‘Republic of South Ossetia.’”

Reactions inside Tskhinvali

He says that beyond official comments, there are also informal reactions in Tskhinvali:

“Previously there was a fear that Russia, ahead of the elections, would hand the region back to Georgia. Later, when Georgian Dream couldn’t get concessions from Russia, the mood changed. Now there is even irritation as if Georgians respect them so little that they abolished the structure altogether.”